Adelaide Oval: a postcolonial site?
Steve Hemming & Daryle Rigney
International sporting competitions are some of the most significant
locations of international contact and are sites for the generation
of identities for local, regional and national consumption, while
simultaneously being a locus for representing nations and communities
to the global audience.
John Nauright (1997: 191)
1. This paper emerges from an investigation of the Indigenous cultural
significance of Adelaide Oval conducted for the South Australian Cricket
Association (SACA) and the City of Adelaide as part of a broader Adelaide
Oval Conservation Plan Review 2001 (see Hemming & Rigney 2001,
Swanbury Penglase 2001). We argue that one of Adelaide Ovals
primary cultural significances for Indigenous people lies in its ongoing
colonisation of Indigenous space, both physically, and through the
production of powerful sporting narratives of Australian identity
and nationhood. These narratives exclude Indigenous knowledges and
most importantly marginalise the histories of invasion, dispossession
and oppression that have emerged comparatively recently in Australian
2. The assessment of the cultural heritage significance of contemporary
spaces or sites is a complex process. Cultural
sites often produce a range of competing meanings with
the dominant ones reflecting existing power relations. Identifying
these complex relations of power should be crucial in planning the
ongoing function and preservation of these significant sites.
Sometimes the dominant meanings produced at a site can oppress particular
groups. This is often the case in a settler-nation such as Australia
where dominant institutions such as sport continue to be colonising
and colonial in character.
3. Adelaide Oval functions as a powerful symbol of colonisation. It
is a public space and public icon with local, national and international
audiences and owners it is a transnational, colonial
and colonising site. As a high-profile public space, the
oval does not recognise Indigenous culture, history and contemporary
realities. The absence of Indigenous symbols and presences is a powerful
act of continuing dispossession and colonisation. We proposed that
any plan for redevelopment of the oval should not only seek to preserve
key aspects of its colonial character, but also set out to destabilize,
modify and renovate them. Through tactical interventions in the dominant
discourses operating at the oval and modifications to its physical,
sporting space, Adelaide Oval could become an important site of reconciliation.
It remains to be seen whether the redevelopment incorporates any of
4. Sport is an industry, a set of social, cultural and economic relations,
and a site for the exercise of different kinds of power relations.
Exploring sport means asking questions about the nature, practice
and organisation of sport and its relationship to power (Jarvie 1985,
Jarvie 1991, Sage 1990, Rigney 1999). The spaces sport
occupies, in a real and metaphorical sense, have had researchers focussing
upon the sports site as an instrument for cultural
suppression and cultural hegemony on the one hand and cultural regeneration
and cultural survival on the other (Birrell 1989: 219). In the
context of the practice of heritage assessment, we are interested
in disturbing the powerful colonising discourses that operate at sporting
spaces such as the world-famous Adelaide Oval. At most high-profile
Australian sporting sites Indigenous knowledges often
appear to be erased by sporting discourses and the cultural landscape
is re-written with the stories of Australian sporting heroics and
new national histories. These stories obscure signs of Indigenous
presence in places such as the City of Adelaide and effectively exclude
even a hint of the destructive history of race relations in settler
5. Adelaide Oval is arguably the best known public space in South
Australia with its transnational, global audience linked through the
sporting culture of cricket (see Whimpress & Hart 1984, Brown
& Taylor 1991). The cricketing culture at the oval produces influential
accounts of Adelaide, the Australian nation and more broadly, Australias
place in a global commonwealth of cricket playing nations. Adelaide
Oval is an icon of Australian sporting culture a tradition
that has had a chequered and ambivalent history for Indigenous people.
The oval, established in 1871, has from its early years hosted Australian
Rules Football in the winter months and there have been some locally
famous Indigenous players in this sporting code. This history of Indigenous
involvement in football is absent from the Adelaide Oval of cricketing
culture and it leaves no trace in the physical fabric of the oval
itself no named grandstands, no monuments, no named gates.
6. For the purposes of this paper we focus our attention on the Adelaide
Oval of cricketing culture. The act of engagement in the international
game of cricket gives Adelaide, or at least particular representations
of Adelaide, a place on the world stage. As historian Graeme Davison
(2002: 5) argues national identity is performed in major public sporting
spaces to an imaginary grandstand of international spectators.
High-profile sporting spaces such as Adelaide Oval are fundamentally
creative cultural sites where meanings are generated within a staged,
framed and commodified discursive regime (see Rowe 1999). Powerful
tropes of Australian identity inform the narratives of Australian
nationhood produced in the sporting space. Adelaide Oval claims one
of Australias most iconic sporting and national heroes
Sir Donald Bradman a white man who is read by many,
including Australian Prime Minister John Howard, as the embodiment
of core Australian values. What place does local Indigenous cultural
values have in a fundamentally white Australian space such as Adelaide
Oval? How can critical readings of historical and contemporary Australian
culture find a place on a stage occupied by Australian sporting heroes
from the archetypal tradition of British fair play
epitomised by cricket? These were the sorts of questions we raised
as part of our examination of the Indigenous cultural significance
of the site.
7. Our approach was not expected by the commissioning bodies
SACA and the City of Adelaide. Surveys of Indigenous significance
in south-eastern South Australia usually focus on archaeological sites
or what is constructed as pre-European, traditional cultural
knowledge such as Dreaming sites (see Byrne 1996, Macdonald 1998,
Hemming, Wood & Hunter 2000). It is also usual to provide no place
for an analysis of what cultural theorists such as Homi Bhabha (1996)
have characterized as the third space. Any discussion of the complexities
of race relations at a sporting site such as Adelaide Oval requires
creative interventions to provide the space for their consideration.
Binary categories such as post-colonial European heritage versus Indigenous
heritage characterise most major South Australian heritage surveys,
including the Adelaide Oval Conservation Plan 2001 (Swanbury Penglase
2001), and create significant barriers to investigations of historical
and continuing colonial relations.
8. Recently there have been small, but important, changes to the cultural
landscape surrounding the Adelaide Oval site. These include the establishment
of a monument at nearby Piltawodli (the possum place), the recognition
of Kaurna prior occupation by the Adelaide City Council,
the flying of a giant Indigenous flag at Victoria Square, the 2000
Reconciliation March that started outside the Adelaide Ovals
Victor Richardson Gates and the recent Centenary of Federation commemorative
football match and corroborees at the oval itself. Many of these changes
and radical events have been driven by the traditional
owners of the Adelaide Plains the Kaurna people (see Rigney
2002). They have worked hard to establish positive relationships with
the non-Indigenous governments and institutions that continue to occupy
their lands (see Amery 2000). As we recommended in our report, SACA
could embrace these changes in the cultural and political landscapes
surrounding the oval and make this central sporting space into an
overt reconciliation site. This would mean addressing some of the
underlying messages transferred to Australian sporting culture by
its imperial British past. Sport as a symbol of progress, civilization
and western values (Stoddart 1988, Daly 1994, Tatz 1995).
9. The entrenchment of imperial sporting cultures had their genesis
in the mid nineteenth century with the concurrent emergence of modern
sport in Britain, the consolidation of racial ideology and the British
empires dominance as a world power (Mangan 1986, Nauright 1997).
British imperial diaspora ensured the appearance of British sports,
institutions and administrations that ultimately became the cultural
markers for national identity politics in the colonies. The systemic
structuring of sporting formations in Australia was supported and
maintained by continued connections to the home of the empire, through
the establishment of international sporting organisations such as
the Imperial Cricket Council (later renamed the International Cricket
Council), founded in 1909 by Britain, South Africa and Australia.
As pointed out by John Nauright, cricket was the imperial game,
the epitome of British culture, morality, manners and racism
(Nauright 1997: 26).
10. The colonisation of Australia by imperial Britain therefore resulted
in the development of Australian sporting institutions and practices
which largely mirrored that of the mother country. Adelaide
Oval is framed by one of the dominant tropes of Australian
identity Australia as a new Britannia. Andrew Milner (1994:
223) argues that these colonies of European settlement were
imagined precisely as overseas extensions of Europe itself, as Self
rather than Other, as new Britannias all.
11. Adelaide Oval is part of a colonising, international network of
sports sites that reinforce a sense of British, Commonwealth culture.
Established in 1871, it remains a symbol of British colonial culture
(see Brown & Taylor 1991). It stands for progress, civilization
and the systematisation of sports and the importance of the rule of
law. As a symbol of the colonial nature of Australian society the
oval has, however, for many Adelaidians, lost its original significance.
Its colonisation of the place that it occupies on the Adelaide Plains
has been so successful that the politics and history of invasion and
dispossession have been subsumed by the popular and pervasive stories
of a new Australian nation built on its successes on the sporting
field. Today, from a critical perspective, it stands as a symbol of
appropriated Indigenous space that reproduces the denial of the history
of dispossession, genocide/indigenocide (Evans & Thorpe 2001)
and oppression which makes its existence on the Adelaide Plains near
Tandanyungga (the place of the Red Kangaroo Dreaming).
12. Indigenous voices, images and understandings are absent from the
discourse of the civic sporting culture of Adelaide Oval and thus
have little opportunity to problematise the powerful normalising
characterisation of sport as apolitical and good for race relations
(Hartmann 1996, Bruce & Hallinan 2000). The homogenisation and
sanitation of cultural identities through sporting cultures rely upon
the universalisation of history where potentially shameful moments
are suppressed and in "the rush to demonstrate newness
and harmony, history disappears leaving us with little more than a
whites own voyeuristic view of native
culture" (Nauright 1997:189). The same can be said for the relationship
between history, Indigenous culture and the heritage industry
13. There are many Adelaide Ovals, many audiences and many representations.
In cricketing culture the oval has a coded set of descriptors that
make it Adelaide. For cricketing fans around the world it is framed
by the cathedral, the River Torrens and the Adelaide Hills. It is
made up of the hallowed turf, named stands, press boxes,
the score board and gates named after local cricketing heroes. It
is invariably described as one of the most beautiful ovals in the
world. Within this context Adelaide Oval is an influential and productive
cultural space and is not an example of legacy as disconnected
from the contemporary setting of the site. In heritage
discourse the significance of an important site or building
is often understood in terms of past cultural significances and through
the concept of legacy (see Davison 1994, Lowenthal 1998). Adelaide
Ovals colonial legacy needs to be recognised as continuing in
the present it is still a colonial site. Our paper, therefore,
seeks to write Indigenous peoples into the contemporary landscape
of the oval and in so doing specifies the relations between place,
politics and identity in order to suggest strategies for inclusivity
14. This leads us to an assessment of the power of a transnational
site such as Adelaide Oval in shaping, local, national
and international understandings of the cultural and political landscape
within which the site is located. The media representations
of Adelaide Oval become the real for all but the crowds
at the ground. Adelaide Oval becomes a complex of hyper-sites (Baudrillard
1994) located on the television screens of fans around the world,
framed and interpreted through their local traditions, but symbolising
an archetypal British, cricketing oval located in Adelaide
a city of churches, parks, well-planned streets and Victorian architecture.
The total absence of Indigenous voices, images, and understandings,
coupled with the pervasive normalising discourse of cricket,
makes this Adelaide Oval what could perhaps be termed a hyper-colonial
site. The physical Adelaide Oval and its hyper-real, emblematic companions
continue the process of colonisation of local Indigenous people and
have a significant impact on Indigenous interests nationally.
15. Sporting narratives and heritage narratives are brought together
in an iconic space such as the oval. A double effect is produced as
two of the most pervasive western discourses join forces to produce
histories of Australia that mask the political and social
realities for many Indigenous people (see Lowenthal 1998). Tactical
interventions in this complex space are crucial if the links between
dispossession and contemporary inequities are to be understood and
accepted. Adelaide Oval is part of the colonial architecture of the
city of Adelaide that needs to be conceptually dismantled. Publicly
telling a different story of Tarndanyungga is an important start in
this renovation process.
16. Adelaide Oval is located on a place where Kaurna people celebrated
life through public ceremonies, games, religious observances and other
social activities (Hemming 2001). Visitors to Kaurna lands witnessed
and participated in public events in this area on the northern banks
of the Karra Wirra Parri (River Torrens) (Day 1902, Cawthorne 1926,
Hemming 1999). After the arrival of Europeans and before Adelaide
Oval was established, the Kaurna and other Indigenous groups continued
their traditions of public performance in this space (Parsons 1997).
17. With the establishment of the oval as a colonial public
sporting venue, the control of this public space was completely taken
out of the hands of Indigenous people. In 1885, however, Indigenous
people staged several public performances or corroborees at the oval.
These corroborees, staged for a white audience, attracted the largest
crowds of the nineteenth century to the Adelaide Oval venue
about 20,000 people attended one performance (Parsons 1997, Whimpress
n.d.). The non-Indigenous audience wanted to see the exotic and almost
extinct other controlled in the new British public
space of the oval. In the twentieth century there appear to have been
no large-scale Indigenous performances on the oval. Recently, however,
as part of the 2001 centenary of Federation, a football match between
Indigenous and non-Indigenous players and a series of performances
(including corroborees) was organised. The crowd was predominantly
Indigenous, and for local Kaurna people this was an important opportunity
to affirm their rights to the Adelaide Oval space. Other
Indigenous groups performed and each formally recognised the traditional
owners of the land on which they were performing.
18. For Indigenous people such as the Kaurna, the term postcolonial
can be a problematic label serving to mask the ongoing colonial nature
of the institutions that continue to occupy their country. Inherent
difficulties arise in assessing Australian and Indigenous histories
as postcolonial, as a form of historical closure, when there is continued
struggle over issues of spirituality, culture, identity and land.
Jane Jacobs in Edge of Empire: Postcolonialism and the city, provides
the following description of Australia as a nation:
Australia, then, is the sort of nation that
may be visioned as postcolonial by some but feels decidedly colonial
to others. It is the type of ex-colonial territory that points to
the formal limits of the historical condition called postcolonialism
and the fantastic optimism of the post in postcolonialism
(Jacobs 1996: 23-24).
19. Settler-states such as Australia have an ambiguous relationship
with the colonial (see Gelder & Jacobs 1997, Thorpe 1996, Young
2001). The terms internal colonialism and welfare colonialism have
been used by some writers to describe the relationship between Indigenous
people and the State (see Peterson & Sanders 1998, Young 2001).
Given that in Australia there are arguably many indigenous nations
then it is seems sensible to speak of the relationships between Indigenous
people and the State on a group-by-group and case-by-case basis.
20. For Kaurna people the Adelaide Plains was invaded by the British
in 1836. The City of Adelaide was established and the same City of
Adelaide runs the place that Kaurna people know as Tarndanyungga (the
central city area). Some senior Kaurna elders spent time in their
childhood with Kaurna people who experienced the first years of invasion
and dispossession (Gara 1990). The Adelaide plains have not been de-colonised,
many of the same non-Indigenous families control the key sites
of power. They have obtained their positions of authority through
initial land theft - through the colonisation of the lands
of groups such as the Kaurna people. Some of this story has been told
in recent Australian histories at a state and national level (see
Mattingley & Hampton 1988). But its application to spaces such
as capital cities, to the fortunes of major businesses, powerful families
and iconic sites such as Adelaide Oval, is less well-known. Some local
histories and sites are beginning to recognise Kaurna
existence often seen as part of the past but most recently
as part of a contemporary creative force. The 2002 Adelaide Festival
of Arts identified as a center-piece a recognition of Kaurna survival
and contemporary creativity.
22. Today the owners of Adelaide Oval are local, state-wide,
national and international. They are largely non-Indigenous and own
the space and its meanings through discourses such as sport, heritage,
business and nationality identity. They are sporting bodies, sports-persons,
spectators, governments and companies providing sponsorship. Within
this complex nexus of interests Indigenous people find a small, but
virtually powerless place as part of the local.
23. A native title claim has recently been lodged over the Adelaide
Plains. The issue of native title raises some questions for the non-Indigenous
owners of Adelaide Oval, but does not provide a mechanism
for the de-colonisation of the Adelaide Oval site. It
may serve as a point of focus for re-making Adelaide Oval into a site
of reconciliation. This does not lead to a reclamation of the site
by Kaurna people, but brings into existence a more public recognition
of survival in the urban space.
24. For the Kaurna the oval remains a colonised and colonising space.
It embodies ownership and control the domination of cultural
practice through sporting culture and media practices. The colonising
narratives produced at the site are framed by a broader
commonwealth cricketing culture. Heroic stories of Australian nationhood
are produced at sporting sites such as the oval. These narratives
exclude the harsher social, political and racial realities of Australias
past and present.
25. In the colonial project the generalisation and reification of
Eurocentric understandings dominate the Adelaide Ovals frames
of reference. Simultaneously such discourses naturalise the silenced
spatiality of Indigenous narrative history of the Adelaide Oval
site. Our project then must be to connect Indigenous knowledges to
Adelaide Oval and to empower an Indigenous reading of the space to
enrich its diasporic politics. In other words Adelaide Oval as a new
space of resistance needs location within the Indigenous struggle
for the revisioning of counter-hegemonic cultural practice.
26. Frederic Jameson (1991) in speaking to the need for alternative
views of space and political action argues for an approach which allows
people to become aware of their own position in the world and the
resources to resist and make their own history. The cognitive
mapping of spaces allows oppositional cultures to emerge so
that new social movements are able to capture the space
for their interests against the interests of the dominant. Reading
the space as a backdrop to potential political action though is problematic.
Edward Soja (1989) makes the point that space is dialectical. It operates
in two distinct ways between the desire for separation and the desire
for closeness and thus is not merely a backdrop but is integral to
politics and ideology. In seeking to move Jamesons theorising
beyond positionality, and into the dynamism of a continuing making
and remaking of knowledges connected with space, Soja allows us to
move beyond the notion of legacy and into the practice of possibility
as sites are re-conceptualised (Soja, 1989:75). A notion of the local
is required in this discussion that enables an Indigenous politics
of location that seeks to avoids the dangers of essentialising discourses
of identity, but values experience and local knowledge (see Wuthnow
27. What is required in sport therefore is an alternative discourse
to the normalising conformity between sport culture and
liberal democratic ideology. The search for a discourse that seeks
to represent the partiality of knowledge necessarily requires the
exploration of the politics of space while seeking to confront and
disrupt the politics of place and the place of politics. The alternative
is to be immersed in a "global white culture of sport" that
through its notions of apoliticality".
(Nauright, 1997:190) In this dialogue Indigenous people are consigned
to representations that never speak to resistance and struggle but
focus upon Indigenous exoticism over oppression thus serving the maintenance
of existing power structures of current global order. The packaging
of Aboriginality in this manner potentially brands Indigenous Australians
as reconciliation gimmicks if it only sends the message of paintin
and dancin and excludes the realities of the full Indigenous
experience connected to the Adelaide Oval space (Godwell 1999). In
other words sporting spaces such as the Adelaide Oval cannot be dealt
with as though they are merely passive and abstract arenas on which
28. There is a danger in exoticising specific elements of Indigenous
culture for celebration at the Adelaide Oval site. As Franz Fanon
(1967: 167) has argued the past can become a new space of colonisation:
Colonialism is not satisfied merely with hiding a people in its grip
and emptying the natives brain of all form and content. By a
kind of perverted logic, it turns to the past of the oppressed people,
and distorts, disfigures and destroys it.
29. Essentialising a romantic ideal of Kaurna culture may serve to
place the Indigenous significance of Adelaide Oval in the past. This
should be avoided through a more active dialogue with Indigenous interests
enabling an ongoing and creative Indigenous relationship with the
space. The recognition of the colonial nature of Australian race relations
and and a serious attempt to include Adelaide Oval in the reconciliation
process could help to achieve this goal. Staging re-enactments of
nineteenth century football matches and corroborees provide Indigenous
people with the opportunity to legitimise their links with previously
alienated spaces such as the oval. There is also opportunities to
reflect on the historical character of South Australian race relations
through the re-enactment of inter-racial sporting contests.
30. Of critical importance to Indigenous people, in understanding
that there are multiple positions associated with any space, is that
their place in that space is fundamentally important to them, to their
perspective, to their location in the world and to their right and
ability to challenge dominant discourses of power. By understanding
that the Adelaide Oval space connects with a social, cultural and
political world we are suggesting a more complex relationship between
the imagined real of dominant discourse and the Indigenous
so-called past and imagined understandings of the site.
As Keith and Pile argue, "one does not merely cover the other;
one is not more real than the other" (Keith & Pile, 1993:9).
Indeed how can the authentic be authenticated? Who is to authenticate
the connections to the Adelaide Oval site? Whose knowledge of the
Adelaide Oval space and its meaning(s) are the real, the imaginary
and the symbolic? Here we have the identity politics of place and
the spatialised politics of identity.
31. Michel de Certeaus (1984) poetic examination of acts of
tactical resistance in everyday life can provide a guide to our interventions
in a dominating, urban public space. De Certeau is interested in the
subversive practice of walking. Walking has been a central act in
the recent reconciliation movement in Australia. We argue that our
tactical intervention in the sporting space of Adelaide Oval is revolutionary
in its engagement, through the practice of heritage assessment, with
a high-profile white sporting space. A revolutionary act,
a counter-hegemonic tactical intervention in a cultural heritage,
sporting space; a space that is understood by some as part of our
national legacy, but can also be productive and positive
for a broad set of interests. Our report to the South Australian Cricket
Association can be understood as an attempt to move the discourse
of reconciliation a few steps further into the transnational sporting
arena of Adelaide Oval, destabilising its hyper-colonial character.
32. Robert Young (2000) traces the links between the politics of anti-colonialism
and the emergence of post-structural and postcolonial theory. What
we are proposing is anti-colonial, revolutionary and tactical, drawing
on strategies being developed around the grassroots reconciliation
movement. This is a proposal for a peaceful revolution, conducted
through a partnership between postcolonial theory and
political interests. A revolution at an everyday level that many in
Australia argue is needed, and through their participation in the
reconciliation movement are searching for spaces in which to tactically
intervene in the powerful discourses that continue to shape the colonial
nature of the Australian settler-state. The institutions of the urban
centre the Australianised landscapes of the city should
be a focus for these acts of de-construction.
33. Adelaide Oval functions as a powerful, colonising space. We have
argued that at one level the oval can be described as a hyper-colonial
site. The City of Adelaides identity is prescribed
in this space, and along with other cultural sites such as Parliament
House and the Governors Residence (part of Adelaides North
Terrace Cultural Precinct), the oval functions as a dominant space
34. In summary Adelaide Oval is a transnational site at
the centre of some very powerful, colonialist discourses. As such,
Adelaide Ovals twentieth century heritage, our recent cultural
legacy, can be understood in terms of its power to construct and transmit
a particular understanding of colonial culture to Adelaide, South
Australia, the nation and the world. It is the stories of Australias
developing nationhood, closeness yet separation from its motherland
Britain, and heroic deeds of its young men that are told about this
place on the northern banks of Karra Wirra Parri. The ongoing colonised
history of the space is not part of this story and has been excluded
from this public space for so long that few can see its relevance
this is the naturalising power of this transnational, colonising
site. Recent research projects examining the cultural
significance of the Adelaide Parklands (driven by Kaurna leadership)
and the Adelaide Oval Conservation Review have reminded the colonial
institutions the City of Adelaide and SACA that their
histories of heroic deeds, nation building and settlement
are not the only stories to be told. These reminders build on the
continuing efforts of Kaurna leadership in re-constructing the cultural
landscape in the City of Adelaide.
35. Adelaide Oval has indigenous cultural significance as part of
Kaurna land, as a continuing colonising site, and as a
central symbol of South Australian race relations in sport. For Indigenous
people Adelaide Oval provides a powerful cultural space for the contestation
and transformation of stereotypes fundamental to the existing state
of race relations in Australian society. This cultural significance
needs to be recognised for Indigenous people to gain access to the
national and international audiences now associated with Adelaide
Oval - one of the most important sporting grounds in the world. Small
changes such as the recent dual naming of the British-named River
Torrens with one of its original Kaurna names - Karra Wirra Parri
(the River Redgum river) may prompt cricket commentators into
remarking that the bowler is coming in from the Karra Wirra Parri
end. Imagine the questions raised by a seemingly minor language act
such as this.
36. For Indigenous people a cultural arena like sport necessarily
requires the destabilisation of dominant discourses so that from other
standpoints inclusive pictures can begin to be developed. In the context
of Adelaide Oval the telling of a story entrenched in the circle of
socially produced Eurocentric knowledges needs to be broken. This
does not mean that non-Indigenous experiences are meaningless rather
it means that we should not rely upon non-Indigenous experiences and
ideas as the only truth. There are many stories to be told in the
production of knowledge and one of the largest exclusions at Adelaide
Oval are Indigenous stories. The potential fore-grounding of Indigenous
knowledges of the Adelaide Oval site requires negotiating with Indigenous
people since this is the level of oppression which needs to be addressed
if the conceptualisation of reconciliation is to have meaning.
37. Given sports fundamental cultural significance in Australian
society, the power of a public space such as Adelaide Oval in shaping
race relations, and as a potential force for reconciliation, should
not be underestimated. As already stated, for reconciliation to occur
through sport, it requires recognition, acknowledgment and acceptance
of the responsibility to make concerted efforts to represent the Indigenous
cultural significance of public spaces such as Adelaide Oval to national
and international audiences. This includes recognition of the harsh
historical and contemporary realities for Indigenous people in Australia.
The Adelaide Oval should be a public space where Indigenous and non-Indigenous
peoples are central to, and share the responsibility for, bringing
people together in ways which challenge and transform negative race
relations (Rigney, 1997).
Steve Hemming is a lecturer in Australian Studies at Flinders University.
He has taught Indigenous Studies at the Unversity of South Australia
and was a curator in the South Australian Museum's Division of Anthropology
for fifteen years. He is currently researching the relationship
between heritage, native title and colonialism. Email: email@example.com
Daryle Rigney is a Ngarrindjeri man. He is the Director of Yunggorendi,
First Nations Centre for Higher Education and Research, Flinders
University, Adelaide, Australia. Email: firstname.lastname@example.org
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